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| The failure to read good books both enfeebles the vision and strengthens our most fatal tendency — the belief that the here and now is all there is. Allan Bloom |
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Buy from A Tattered Cover: the Denver bookstore that fought for your First Amendment Rights, and won.
Anyone who cares about democracy must still be outraged about the hijacking of the Florida presidential election. The news media focused on "hanging chads" and charges that the Gore campaign wanted to deprive military personnel of their vote by disallowing absentee ballots. But much more happened in Florida to throw the election to George W. Bush: the purge of tens of thousands of legitimate voters from the rolls, illegal ballot designs and incorrect voting instructions, unreliable machines in majority-Democrat precincts; the failure of county supervisors to perform the legally mandated automatic recounts the way the law required. The recounts requested by the Gore campaign were disrupted by delaying tactics from the Republican monitors, intimidating protests by Republican Congressional staffers and party aides pretending to be local voters, and questionable decisions by state officials who just happened to be Republican. The news media abetted the Bush juggernaut by oversimplifying the story and by uncritically reporting the Bush campaign's claims that Al Gore was trying to "steal" the Florida election.
The conclusion is unavoidable: George W. Bush got Florida's electoral votes in the 2000 election because political pressure, legal maneuvers, and outright threats of violence prevented thousands of votes from being counted -- and thousands more votes were never cast because of the wholesale disenfranchisement of legitimate voters, mostly minorities.
At the end of the film, investigative journalist Greg Palast reports the 2002 election was equally fraught with errors and official misfeasance, and warns that "2002 and 2000 were just practice. Just wait for 2004." The new federal law to reform election procedures "takes the Florida show on the road" by putting every state's voting records under the control of the Secretary of State.
The events of the Florida election have more than just historical significance. They are a warning to all of us of what could happen to nationwide elections if we do not demand fair and accurate voting systems and accountability from elections officials.
In Grand Theft 2000, Douglas Kellner recounts the story of a stolen election and Republican coup d'etat, focusing on the flaws of the system of democracy in the United States that allowed this event to take place. Kellner examines what the events of Election 2000 tell us about politics in the U.S. today and the alarming consequences for democracy in the battle for the White House. Grand Theft 2000 presents a historical narrative of the heist of the presidency as well as a critique of the media and political system that registers a crisis of democracy in the U.S.A. today. Arguing that the media are largely to blame for the theft of the presidency by the "Bush machine," Kellner shows how failures of voting technology and literacy, Republican manipulation of the Florida electoral process and political system in the counting of the votes, and structural problems with the system of democracy in the United States reveals a crisis of democracy that requires radical measures. Concluding sections on "Lesson and Conclusions" suggests some solutions to the problems revealed and a final section critically dissects the first 100 days of the Bush presidency.
We Will Not Get Over It: Restoring a Legitimate White House covers their story, which has been largely ignored by the media. The roughly 100,000-word book was written by journalist Jackson Thoreau and social worker Sharon Thoreau. Backed up with hundreds of footnotes and sources that are linked to Internet pages, We Will Not Get Over It starts by outlining how the Republicans employed questionable actions to win the election in Florida. Those included purging legal voters from the rolls, doctoring absentee ballots, using state offices for political purposes, giving voters misleading instructions, approving confusing ballots, questionable decisions that favored Republicans by Florida Secretary of State Katherine Harris, who was Bush's state co-chair, behind-the-scenes maneuvers by Bush's brother, Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, and blaming Democrats for delays when Republicans filed the lawsuits blocking and delaying the legal vote-counting process.
We Will Not Get Over It goes on to detail what organizations like Democrats.com and Citizens for Legitimate Government, panels like the U.S. Civil Rights Commission, politicians like U.S. Rep. Barbara Lee, D-Calif., and others are doing to restore confidence in the White House and U.S. electoral system. It shows how many in the media ignored and belittled such actions and embraced a president who has little business being in the White House. The book also covers how people and organizations in other countries are reacting to the controversy. Michael Rectenwald, an adjunct professor and writer at Carnegie Mellon University in Pittsburgh and founder and chairman of Citizens for Legitimate Government, wrote the foreword to this book.
Finally, We Will Not Get Over It includes recommendations from people like Rev. Jesse Jackson, Barbra Streisand, and U.S. Rep. John Conyers Jr., D-Mich., and organizations like the ACLU, NAACP, and the National Commission on Federal Election Reform, led by former Presidents Jimmy Carter and Gerald Ford, on what needs to be done to restore legitimacy to the White House and our election system. There is a long directory of more than 220 organizations, Internet sites, and individuals — with Web site, email, and mailing addresses and other information — to enable readers to learn more and get involved with this important cause.
There is a reason, she says, why a quarter of all adult Americans are either "alienated" or "disenchanted" with U.S. politics, and it's not, as the press would have it, just "apathy." There is a reason why the parties court only a narrow band of unrepresentative "target" voters, and the rest of the public be damned. What Ms. Didion perceives-and reviles-is the systematic expulsion of the citizenry from the political process, and its replacement by a few oligarchs who live in a bubble world "in which they themselves were the principal players, and for which they themselves were the principal audience." This exclusionary process, she concludes, has not only "left most voters with no reason to come to the polls"; worse, that was the intent-what "had even come to be spoken about, by less wary professionals, as the beauty part, the bonus that would render the process finally and perpetually impenetrable."
Before reading "Fools for Scandal," I was annoyed by Jeff Gerth's "journalism"; now I'm angry at both him and The New York Times, since they have obviously become tools of the most poisonous element in our political culture, the right wing. When the history of this era — with its right-wing smear machine and the corrupt journalism that is the machine's partner in crime — is taught, "Fools for Scandal" should be required reading
The absolutist thinking that insists on arraying movements like "democracy" and "Islam" against each other in inevitable conflict has led us badly astray. Shared by skeptical Westerners and some hard line Islamists, it has led to mistaken reasoning, and hence to mistaken policies. Specifically, it has led the United Sates and Europe to ignore the possibility that Muslims want freedom as much as anybody else. It has led Western governments that pride themselves on their own democratic character to embrace dictators for reasons of short term self interest, forgetting that in the long run, the support of autocracy undermines their own democratic values and makes enemies of the people who are being oppressed with Western complicity.
The point is that as a moral matter, Muslims, like everyone else, should have the opportunity to make basic decisions about government for themselves. The fact that a country is not democratic, however, is not good evidence that its citizens do not wish for it to be more democratic. If Muslims choose democratic government, then they ought to be assisted in achieving it. If, on the other hand, they choose something else, that, too, should be permitted to exist undisturbed.
At the structural level, democrats realize that a government that does not tax its people also lacks most incentives to respond to the people's desires.
In a speech that has cast long shadows over subsequent American policy, then Assistant Secretary of State Edward Djerejian explained that while the United States favored democracy, it opposed elections that would provide for "one person, one vote, one time."The ensuing civil war led to the deaths of 100,000 Algerians.
Change is needed before it is too late.
Alexander Keyssar's account highlights the gap between the hallowed image of the United States as the democratic nation and the reality that it took nearly two centuries for universal suffrage to be achieved. The story that he presents is one of both progress toward democratization and of fierce resistance to any expansion of the franchise. It includes lively accounts of those who "won" the right to vote, including women, African Americans, immigrants and industrial workers, while also describing recurrent — and sometimes successful — efforts to bar millions of individuals from the polls.
Keyssar analyzes this story in the context of broad currents in American economic, social and political history. In so doing, he explains the ways in which diverse forces — including war, class tension, socioeconomic changes, racial and ethnic hostilities, ideological shifts and the dynamics of party competition — shaped the expansion and contraction of voting rights over the last two hundred years. The Right to Vote is a sweeping reinterpretation of major chapters of American political history as well as a meditation on the meaning of democracy in contemporary American life.
Palast's investigations have a common theme and create a clear pattern: wealth, not the democratic process, controls government. That Palast is frequently the only person in all the wide media world reporting on these events and issues is an indictment of our news media, and an indication of how much money and power control what We The People learn about what goes on in our own backyard or our employer's headquarters.
The Best Democracy Money Can Buy is enlightening — and disturbing. To confront the problems besetting our political systems, we must understand what they are. Palast provides an unflinching look at those problems, so that "we won't be fooled again".
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